British orcs again going back to programme

Yee guys are returning to your EastEnders roots.

The UK and Holland is the source of the misery for sure.
Orange capitalism

I was fond of the old city .
(Small shops and overflowing pubs )
But it's a alien city now
But I realize the city was a product of a previous capitalist centralisation where all agricultural products flowed inwards.
Chet Raymos book " The Dork of Cork " is pretty close to my ideal world with rose tinted classes .
It's a mythological city that lived inside people's heads more then anything.

It seems to me that Dorkwise the UK differs little from most of the civilised world. What is Dork's ideal country? Where are things better than here?

(It's not Cork.)

Co2
"Living within our means"
The workhouse syndrome .
I suspect you wish to continue with hardship ( preferably someone else )while preserving the present price / net income gap.
Victorian thinking for the modern age .

Ahh
Brits again blaming migrants rather then the monopolistic nature of their society .
It's the behaviour of a bully in a playground .

M Courtney:

Some migrants pay for themselves. They are mainly the ones who are in high paying jobs or who bring in wealth accumulated elsewhere in the world (not always desirable as people when it is the result of criminal enterprise, embezzlement etc.), and most especially when they use that wealth and/or their skills to establish successful businesses in the UK (a forte of Uganda Asians for example). Many migrants are not quite as beneficial to GDP, because they spend a significant chunk of their earnings on goods imported from their home countries (my local town has at least half a dozen Polish shops for instance), having a much higher propensity to consume imports than the average.

Many migrants on lower wages are prepared to accept limited living accommodation (e.g. a room share) in order to maximise their savings that they can repatriate - something that is usually ignored by those who argue that they impose the same level of housing demand as UK citizens. Likewise, students mostly live in shared accommodation, imposing little demand on housing. This also tends to be common among illegal immigrants, who take sublet accommodation to avoid the scrutiny of officialdom. Of course, this means they contribute little or nothing towards Council Tax. Many of the new young migrants (overwhelmingly immigrants are aged 18-30) impose little demand on health services.

However, there are other sides to the picture, with sharp variations according to cultural origins. It is well documented that employment rates among e.g. Somalis, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are low, resulting in extensive welfare payments. Albanians and Romanians (and Muslims and strangely, Buddhists) are among those greatly overrepresented in our prisons: crime in London is clearly dominated by immigrant populations (who are nearly a population majority there now), even if much of it is directed against each other. Those with large families (whether in the UK or otherwise) are almost always a significant burden on the welfare budget. They are also a burden on the NHS, with obstetric and pediatric care now being stretched, and population specific diseases (e.g. sickle cell anaemia) also adding to the burden. Particularly in London, where housing costs are extortionate anyway, there is very heavy subsidy of housing for many migrants. Although the worst excesses have been cut back a little, it would take a banker's salary plus generous bonus to pay for some of the housing they occupy.

I would recommend looking at Prof Rowthorn's 2014 analysis which did not include remittances or higher propensity to import: it concluded that the short run position was broadly neutral, but the longer term position would be negative once migrants join the elderly. There is a wider review of literature that mostly concentrates on the topic of net fiscal contribution and mainly in the short term rather than the longer term view and winder impacts (includes link to Rowthorn) here. The reality is rather wider than the narrow fiscal issue, where the data are probably inadequate to be definitive in the first place, leave aside questions of inclusion/exclusion in the statistics.